With
collapse of Berlin
wall in 1989 and Dissolution of U.S.S.R. in 1991 the world politics ushered in
new era of international relations. These events celebrate the end of the Cold
War which categorized the post World War II international stage. These new
developments left the analysts and statesmen struggling with the problem of how
to understand the world order. One line
of thinking views this situation in terms of polarity. Polarity in
international relation is a description of the distribution of power within the
international system. It describes the nature of the international system at
any given period of time. Polarity has three types. Unipolarity, Bipolarity and
Multipolarity. The type of system is completely dependent on the distribution
of power and influence of states in a region or internationally.
‘Unipolarity
in international politics describes a distribution of power in which there is
one state with most of the cultural, economic and military influence. This is
also called a hegemony or hyper power’.
Examples
Egyptian Empire from 3150 BC to 664
BC, the Greeks ( 776 BC to 146 BC), the Persian Empire (550 BC to 330 BC), the
Roman Empire (31 BC to 5th Century), Mongolian Empire (13th
and 14th Century), Ottoman Empire (15th to 17th
Century), the French Empire (during the reigns of Louis XIV and Napoleon I) are
regional and The British Empire (from the end of Napoleonic wars to the
beginning of the 20th Century), The U.S.A. (with the fall of the
Soviet Union since 1991) are some of the global examples of Unipolarity.
‘Bipolarity
in international politics describes a distribution of power in which two states
have the majority of economic, military and cultural influence internationally
or regionally.’
Examples
The U.S.
and Soviet Union during Cold War, Great Britain and France during colonial era.
‘Multipolarity
in international politics describes a distribution of power in which more than
two nation-states have nearly equal amounts of military, cultural and economic
influence.’
Ever since it became clear that
U.S.S.R. was calling off the Cold War, as said above political analysts and
statesmen, diplomats engaged in describing the international relations.
American diplomats began their quest
to define a new American role in the new emerging world order. Countries
belonging to the Cold War blocks as an ally to U.S. or U.S.S.R. began
contemplating their place while those non aligned countries which struggled to
maintain their independent foreign policies during cold war recognized the need
to rethink their strategies keeping their national interests in mind.
This was based on certain
assumptions, first, the old bipolar
world would beget a multipolar world with power dispersed to new centers in Japan, Germany
(and/or “Europe”), China
and a diminished Soviet Union/Russia; second,
in the post-Soviet strategic environment the threat of war would be
dramatically diminished. Scholarly opinion is divided on this issue, for some
the world order is now Unipolar while some advocate that it is now essentially
multipolar.
Advocates of Unipolarity maintain
that the center of world power is the unchallenged super power, the United States,
attended by its Western allies. Her economic, military and political
superiority seemed an undisputed fact. And the emergence of a new strategic
environment, marked by the rise of small aggressive states armed with weapons
of mass destruction and possessing the means to deliver them, makes the coming
decades a time of heightened, not diminished threat of war. While responding to
the claim that the world after Cold War will be multipolar with Germany (and/or Europe) and Japan are rivals for U.S. on critic commented that,
“The notions that economic power
inevitably translates into geopolitical influence is a materialist illusion.
Economic power is a necessary condition for great power status. But it
certainly is not sufficient, as has been made clear by the … behavior of Germany and Japan,
which have generally hidden under the table since the first shots rang out in Kuwait.”
The “Unipolar Moment” as envisioned
by some since the end of Cold War, in which U.S. was imagined as imperial
‘hyper power’ in a world was termed as hallucinatory moment in history by some.
And the role of U.S.
as first ‘hyper power’ was termed as French hyperbole. Instead U.S. as “indispensable power” or “leader of the
democratic world” called for attention to describe America’s status in the world
today.
There
is a huge gap between America’s
Military capacity and its actual ability to bend events according to its wish.
A U.S $11 trillion economy facilitates enormous technological prowess and a
defense budget that exceeds the combined total of the next 25 powers. Its
ability, however, to unilaterally use that power-military and economic in a
unipolar world, is hampered by reality. In words of Zbigniew Brzezinski, “Preponderance
should not be confused with omnipotence,” In Vietnam war with the death toll of
58000, U.S.
was unable to avoid defeat. Iraq
after two wars is still an unresolved case. The U.S. military, spread thinly by its
global commitments, is straining to provide the men and money necessary to
secure an end to the conflict. Mean while, should a crisis break out elsewhere,
the U.S.
is no longer in position to engage forcefully.
The
war on terrorism is a global war unlike two world war of 20th
century, far more complex than a massive deployment of men and munitions
against a clearly perceived enemy state or coalition of states. In this war,
terrorism is not even the actual enemy: It is a battle tactic used by an
elusive, globally dispersed, well funded enemy. This enemy also boasts the
latest resources in global communications, along with financial and personnel
mobility. Building a world wide coalition of allies to fight such an enemy is
not a policy choice. It is the only optional in a war without conventional
battlefields.
Today, the U.S. possesses by far the largest pile of
sophisticated weaponry on earth, yet its
conventional military power is severely stretched in fighting one and a
quarter war in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Further, its nuclear edge is tempered by
the other nations- including China-India, and Russia, which have large,
conventional forces and demographic depth that have the means to respond with
substantial nucleus retaliation. Even tiny North Korea, with may be a
half-dozen bombs, has become hard to tackle.
The
formidable superiority of U.S.
economic power is also under threat. The rapidly ballooning expense of the Iraq war is
widening already huge budget deficits. This is also intensifying a gathering US fiscal
crisis of growing debt, now financed by foreign capital. Thanks to persistently
large current account debits, the US in 2003 borrowed from abroad at
an unprecedented rate of US $ 4 billion a day.
Distribution of power in the world
has fundamentally altered over the two decades since end of the Cold War. Claim
of U.S.
leadership and the post cold war conversion of “peace dividend” in the global
liberal order have no more takers. Many saw the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq as the symbols of a global
imperialism/imperial overstretch. Every expenditure has weakened America’s armed
forces, and each assertion of power has weakened resistance in the form of
terrorist networks, insurgent groups and “asymmetric” weapons like suicide
bombers. America’s
unipolar moment has inspired diplomatic and financial countermovements o block
American bullying and construct an alternate world order. At best, America’s
unipolar moment lasted through the 1990s, but that was also a decade adrift. European
Union and China
are the two emerging competitors successfully challenged the American hegemony
in the geo politics of the 21st century.
Europe is a global balancer between America and China. Absence of common army does
not affect its capacity to do it. Europe use intelligence and the police to
apprehend radical Islamists, social policy to try to integrate restive Muslim populations
and economic strength to incorporate the former Soviet
Union. European investment in Turkey is growing and binding it
closer to the E.U. New pipeline route transporting oil and gas from Libya, Algeria
or Azerbaijan to Europe is making E.U. efficient in energy sector.
Its market is the world’s largest,
European technologies more and more set the global standard and European
countries give the most development assistance. And a safer option for
investment if conflict broke out between America
and China.
Euro is strengthening its hold on global economy. Persian
Gulf oil exporters are diversifying their currency holding into
euros. President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela
went on to suggest Euros. While London taking
over as the world’s financial capital for stock listing, it’s no surprise that China’s new state investment fund intends to
locate its main Western offices there instead of New York. Mean while, America’s share of global exchange
reserves has dropped to 65 percent.
And Europe’s political influence
grows at America’s
expense. While America
fumbles at nation-building. Europe spends its
money and political capital on locking peripheral countries into its orbit. Africa wants African Union like European Union. Activists
in the Middle East want parliamentary democracy like Europe’s
not American style presidential. Foreign students who were shunned after 9/11
joined London and Berlin:
twice as many Chinese study in Europe as in the U.S. America controls legacy
institutions few seem to want (I.M.F.) while Europe
excels at building new and sophisticated ones modeled on itself.
China
is cutting massive resource and investment deals from Canada to Cuba
to Chavez’s Venezuela.
In Africa, China
is not only securing energy supplies; it is also making major strategic
investments in the financial sector. China’s spectacular rise is
evidenced by the ballooning share of trade in its gross domestic product. Every
country in the world currently considered a rogue state by the U.S. now enjoys a diplomatic, economic or
strategic lifeline from China,
Iran
being the most prominent example.
Aided by 35 million-strong ethnic
Chinese Diaspora well placed around East Asia’s
rising economies, a Greater Chinese Co-Prosperity Sphere has emerged. China has
slashed tariffs and increased loans to its Southeast Asian neighbors. Trade
within the India-Japan-Australia triangle-of which China sits at the center- has
surpassed trade across the Pacific.
Small Asian nation-states are
increasingly rallying toward China
out of Asian cultural pride and an understanding of the historical-cultural
reality of Chinese dominance. And in the former Soviet Central Asian
countries-the so-called ‘Stans’-China is the new heavy weight player, its
manifest destiny pushing its Hans pioneers westward while pulling defunct
microstates like Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as well as oil-rich Kazakhstan,
into its orbit. The shanghai Cooperation Organization gathers these Central
Asian strongmen together with China
and Russia
and may eventually become the “NATO of the East.”
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